By Aliona Hlivco - Founder & CEO, St James’ Foreign Policy Group
Now that the Democrats have secured a sweeping victory in both the House and the Senate, it’s time for Ukraine to seize the moment and re-establish itself in Washington. The new Congress could give Ukraine a chance to re-engage with American lawmakers and put it firmly back on the agenda in both chambers.
The key priority should be the passage of FY2027 National Defence Authorization Act building on the existing authorisation of $800 million for Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative for FY2026-27. USAI got extended into 2029 with a Senate proposal of increase of $750 million.
NDAA would also require Pentagon to provide intelligence support to Ukraine for military operations, potentially helping to prevent similar disruptions in US military support like recent restrictions on Starlink and Starshield services. With reliable supplies of strategic intelligence and Patriot interceptors, Ukraine could put more of its own money and engineering talent into long-range strike capabilities, including its ballistic missile programme. That gives American lawmakers an answer to question they hear at home. What would it take for Ukraine to carry more of the burden of its own defence?
Congress should also exercise its oversight powers to press for the effective implementation of Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act, and challenge the administration’s decision to ease restrictions on Russian diesel imports.
Crucially, Ukraine must avoid the mistakes of the past and strike a fine political balance At all costs must Kyiv avoid casting its lot with any political party but instead focus on its own complete reinvention in Washington.
After all, it was the Biden administration that failed to explain to American people what it wanted its Ukraine policy to achieve. “For as long as it takes” left unanswered the obvious question of what exactly it would take. Managing the conflict in the hope of containing it gave Russia time to grow resources and escalate, and left Americans wondering where their commitment was leading. That matters to the next Democratic leadership. A voter worried about the price of fuel, inflation and economic uncertainty deserves a better account of the American interest in this war. Ukraine can help make it.
There is also a strong core of Ukraine supporters among traditional Republicans. Many will remain in Congress, and some may gain more influence in the party as it goes through its post-election reckoning. Ukraine has the chance to build a new relationship with them based on common interests and a mutually beneficial partnership.
Of course, President Trump will continue to hold the key executive power over foreign policy for the next two years. Defeat at home may make his moves abroad even less predictable. The Secretary of State and the Defence Secretary will continue working under Trump’s mandate, and the Witkoff-Kushner negotiations team will remain central to talks with Russia. The next Republican presidential candidate may well carry Trump’s MAGA politics into 2028. Ukraine needs a relationship of trust with this administration even when it has a good reason to challenge the terms of the so-called peace process.
The reset in Washington gives Ukraine a unique opportunity to reshape US policy towards it. While engaging with the political establishment, Ukraine should renew its message – Ukraine is no longer merely a recipient of aid or a charity case in a “far away country” that Americans know nothing about. This battle-hardened, innovative and resilient nation is already shaping the new security architecture in Europe and can be an invaluable strategic partner and ally of the United States for decades to come.
There are ongoing talks in Brussels on how to best integrate Ukraine into Europe’s emerging security and defence architecture, inevitably placing Ukraine at its foundation. Naturally, the Ukrainian drone innovation takes centre stage, but perhaps even more valuable is the new military doctrine taking shape in Ukraine. It is not only about cheaper, more agile hardware but the smart and sophisticated ways of deploying it –a panoply of terrain navigation, electronic warfare, application of AI-driven C4ISR, anticipation of enemy’s next move and denial of action – ultimately, the most successful operationalisation of data on the battlefield in modern history. Ukraine’s value lies in the Tactics, Techniques and Procedures (TTPs) that it has developed rather than the hardware itself.
One route into Europe’s emerging security architecture is the European Defence Union proposed by EU Defence Commissioner Andrius Kubilius. It could give Ukraine, the UK and Norway a place from the outset. Ukraine has a claim to be a founding member, with a voice in a European Security Council. Once a sustainable ceasefire is in place, experienced Ukrainian units could contribute to a future European Defence Force or serve alongside NATO’s high-readiness forces.
All this demonstrates how increasingly reliant the European pillar of NATO will become on Ukraine. And while the transatlantic relations are unlikely to return to what they were before Trump 2.0 – with Europe’s diminished trust in Washington and America’ insistence that Europe pulls its weight – Ukraine will be a decisive factor in shaping both sides of this evolving relationship.
There is a practical American interest here too. Every decision to release an interceptor or draw down an ammunition reserve must take account of what the United States might need in the Indo-Pacific or the Middle East. Joint production with Ukraine could expand the pool of affordable reconnaissance, strike and counter-drone systems available to both countries. Longer orders would give Ukrainian manufacturers the confidence to invest in production lines and American partners a way to replenish stocks at a cost that allows them to buy in quantity. Both would have access to the engineers who can change a design when adversaries' countermeasures render the last version obsolete.
There is also a question Washington rarely asks aloud. If Moscow succeeded in bringing Ukraine under its control, who would inherit its factories, its designs and access to the expertise accumulated in years of fighting? Russia could turn some of those capabilities against the very allies America is pledged to defend. The independence of the people who hold that knowledge is an American strategic interest in its own right.
Ukraine’s drone expertise is already becoming invaluable to American partners. A US Marine Corps delegation recently travelled to Kyiv to study Ukraine’s experience with drones amid their Force Design programme that brings unmanned systems together with sensors, mobile units and long-range precision fires into the Corp’s force restructuring. In September, Ukrainian personnel joined American forces from the US Army on exercise in Germany to teach lessons from the drone war.
The results of Ukraine’s military successes can be seen on the battlefield. Despite difficulties with intelligence sharing and lack of Patriot interceptors, in 2026 Ukrainian forces have managed to recapture substantial amounts of territory. By the end of summer Ukraine liberated 745 sq km and 26 settlements across three regions of Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk and Zaporizhzhia. Ukraine’s successful counteroffensive has denied Russian attempts to establish a foothold in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, reversed their advances in Donetsk near Oleksandrivka and stabilised the eastern approaches to the wider Zaporizhzhia front. Operation Vivaldi in September-October added 16 more villages and towns and 277 sq km in northern Donetsk oblast around Lyman. According to Institute for the Study of War, Russia has managed to gain only 120 sq km in 2026 amid colossal human losses. All this was also made possible by Ukraine’s transition from a brigade-based command structure to a corps-based system, helping to streamline command and coordination and achieve operational gains.
Amid the struggle on diplomatic front, these wins on the battlefield get little attention but they signify Ukraine’s unwavering strength.
It is time for Kyiv to reinvent itself in Washington, engaging both sides of the political aisle and making a compelling case for why supporting Ukraine serves America's own strategic interests. A strong, independent and technologically advanced Ukraine is not just a beneficiary of American assistance, but an emerging European power capable of strengthening the transatlantic alliance. Its military experience, human capital and ability to innovate could become invaluable assets to American national security and defence industry for decades to come.
With the midterm elections over, the US has entered its new highly consequential political cycle gearing up for the 2028 presidential race. Ukraine has a short window of opportunity in which it needs to make a case to Democrats, Republicans and the American people. How Kyiv uses it could shape not only its own future but also America’s relationship with Europe and the emerging world order unfolding before our eyes.
Ukraine could hold the key to the West’s civilisational success.